Consensus - the Chinese way
April 20, 2010, 1700hrs
By Quak Hiang Whai
hiangwhai@corporateobserver.com.sg
Shortly after the bloody Tiananmen incident in Beijing, former President Richard Nixon, a trusted friend of the Chinese, met up with paramount leader Deng Xiaoping.
In front of the media before their closed door meeting, Deng dispensed the standard anti-imperialistic spiel about foreign intervention in China’s domestic affairs and other nationalistic rhetoric. This was done for the benefit of not just the global audience but mainland Chinese themselves. Once the media session was over, the then 85 year-old strongman became more animated and explained Beijing’s difficult position to his visitor who helped open doors to China.
At that time, the Americans and the human rights groups have been calling for the release of a famous mainland dissident. But the Beijing leadership - if they are to continue to earn the legitimacy from the people to rule the large country - must take into consideration the "face" factor.
What many foreigners do not understand is that the leaders would lose their heavenly mandate to govern once they are seen as weak and bowing to foreign pressure easily. Even if the Chinese were to succumb to foreign pressure for changes, they would have to do it at their own timing and terms. When the Tiananmen crisis was over, Beijing actually released that dissident.
In a country not governed by democratic institutions and the rule of law as we know it, political control and legitimacy to rule stems from one’s political standing with the patrons, constituents and other influential stakeholders and not just the ballot box, if there is indeed one.
Much as we want to believe that we have all become enlightened in China, power - as Mao Zedong would have put it - still comes from the barrel of the gun. These are not countries that treat democratic institutions and the separation of politics, bureacracy and army as sacredly as the Americans do.
Incidentally, in the early 80s, when China began negotiating with UK on the return of Hong Kong, Deng also found it necessary to tell British Iron Lady Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher that the Chinese people would not forgive their leaders if they did not bring Hong Kong back to the motherland, citing the example of China general Li Hongchang who signed away territories including Hong Kong about a century ago.
I therefore watched with amazement how the Americans continue to play to their domestic gallery with increasingly militant comments about the Chinese currency. In the latest salvo, a top lawmaker in the US House of Representatives actually threatened Beijing with “"China will make a decision and will begin to do this or else we will take further steps.''
For its part, Beijing has maintained its currency exchange rate is an internal matter and it will not be prodded into revaluing before it is ready. (Incidentally, one can argue US has also manipulated its currency by pumping the economy with so much US dollars that it deflates its value too.)
Such hostile language and stance will surely not help matters. While it provides spectacular and populist soundbites, it is not going to go down well with the Chinese. More important, we are not just talking about the communist leaders. The young and net savvy mainlanders are becoming increasingly nationalistic in the wake of the country’s political and economic awakening.
US congressmen still see in terms of the next elections. The Chinese talk in terms of centuries and dynasties.
The best way to engage the Beijing leadership and get the intended results would still be to work through closed doors with them having a say in the final decision. President Barrack Obama, the champion of consensus building and alliance building, would be the best person to pull it off.
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